老外在中國：真沒有比家更好的地方嗎？
盡管與上世紀相比，英國在權力和影響力上長期處于衰落狀態，很多英國人仍不愿接受這一新的現實，尤其是在老一輩英國人中。支持英國脫歐的民眾夢想回到過去，回到那個幻想的大英帝國。但這只是一個謬論。
By Greg Fountain
Twenty years ago this month, Hong Kong was returned to China - an event that is often considered to mark the formal end of the British Empire.
20年前的7月，香港回歸中國。人們通常將這一事件視為大英帝國正式結束的標志。
Yet there seems to be some reluctance, back home in the UK, to admit that the British hegemony of the 19th and early 20th centuries is now a thing of the past.
然而，很多英國民眾似乎不愿承認英國19世紀和20世紀初建立的霸權現在已經成為歷史。
Last year's European Union membership referendum provided ample evidence of this, with the so-called Brexit vote won, at least in part, because of a certain xenophobic nostalgia for the "good old days".
去年，關于歐盟成員國身份的公投為此提供了充足的證據，所謂的退歐公投取得勝利，至少有一部分是因為一些排外的英國民眾還懷念“過去的美好時光”。
Despite the country's extended period of decline in power and influence over the past century, many Britons still refuse to accept this new reality. Fervent nationalism, embodied in such anachronistic "anthems" as Rule Britannia and expounded by certain elements of England's right-wing press, is rife - especially among the older generation.
盡管與上世紀相比，英國在權力和影響力上長期處于衰落狀態，很多英國人仍不愿接受這一新的現實。過時的歌曲《不列顛萬歲》以及英國右翼報紙中宣揚的狂熱的民族主義越來越盛行，尤其是在老一輩英國人中。
In the four years since I left, my homeland once synonymous with statecraft and stability now looks to be foundering.
四年前當我離開英國時，英國還是一個治國有方、團結穩定的國家，而現在似乎已處于崩潰邊緣。
In addition to referendums, the British public has twice in as many years been asked to decide on who should run the country. Such a rash of polls hardly smacks of solidity, nor does it serve to inspire confidence in Western-style democracy.
除了脫歐公投，在過去的幾年里英國公眾兩次被要求選出國家治理者。如此草率的投票即不利于英國穩定，又令英國民眾對西方民主失去信心。
Contrast that with China, which over the same period has taken on an ever greater role in world affairs with the Belt and Road Initiative and its commitment to combating climate change in the face of the United States' withdrawal.
相比之下，同一時間中國在世界事務中已經發揮越來越大的作用，發起了“一帶一路”倡議，且在美國退出《巴黎協定》時做出承諾，全力應對氣候變化。
The supposed leaders of the UK, meanwhile, keep calling election after election, vote after vote, each only really serving to make the country weaker.
與此同時，所謂的英國領導人們卻號召民眾一次又一次地參加選舉、投票，每次都使英國變得更脆弱。
Both the Brexit referendum and the latest election which wasn't due for another three years were called needlessly by Britain’s current party of government either in the hopes of healing internal rifts or tightening its grip on power. Neither plan worked. Instead, through such miscalculations and hubris, the future of the UK now looks to be in real doubt.
脫歐公投和提前三年舉行大選是執政黨的多此一舉。他們希望彌合國內裂痕或加強權力掌控，但是沒有實現預期效果。相反經歷了判斷失誤和驕傲自大，現在看來英國的未來充滿不確定性。
In just two short years, Britain will exit the European Union. That's not a long time to negotiate all the various border, tariff, trade, citizenship, immigration and other issues that need to be sorted out.
在短短的兩年里，英國將退出歐盟。多方邊界問題、關稅、貿易、公民身份、移民問題都要通過談判解決，還要解決其它有爭議的問題，兩年的時間實在太短了。
If the country's newly enfeebled government fails to reach a deal in time, then it will go over what's been described as the "cliff edge" cut off from some of its most important allies and biggest economic partners.
如果英國新上任的衰弱的政府未能及時達成協議，屆時英國將處在“懸崖邊緣”，與一些最重要的盟友和最大的經濟伙伴切斷聯系。
Proponents of Brexit hark back to an imagined past, conjuring up a romanticized view of an imperial Britain that traded with the world. But this is a fallacy.
支持英國脫歐的民眾夢想回到過去，回到那個幻想的大英帝國，與全世界都有貿易往來。但這只是一個謬論。
As Danish finance minister Kristian Jensen noted last month: “There are two kinds of European nations - small nations and countries that have not yet realized they are small nations.”
丹麥財政部長克里斯蒂安?延森上個月指出：“歐盟的成員國分為兩種：小成員國和還沒有意識到他們是小國的國家。”
And it was none other than Sir Henry Tizard, chief scientific adviser to the UK's ministry of defense, who said Britain is "not a great power, and never will be again".
英國國防部首席科學顧問亨利?蒂澤德爵士（Sir Henry Tizard）曾說過，英國“不再是強國，且永遠也不會成為強國了”。
He wrote those words in 1949. Perhaps it's time his country heed them.
他在1949年寫下這句話。也許英國是時候該聽從這句忠告了。
盡管與上世紀相比，英國在權力和影響力上長期處于衰落狀態，很多英國人仍不愿接受這一新的現實，尤其是在老一輩英國人中。支持英國脫歐的民眾夢想回到過去，回到那個幻想的大英帝國。但這只是一個謬論。
By Greg Fountain
Twenty years ago this month, Hong Kong was returned to China - an event that is often considered to mark the formal end of the British Empire.
20年前的7月，香港回歸中國。人們通常將這一事件視為大英帝國正式結束的標志。
Yet there seems to be some reluctance, back home in the UK, to admit that the British hegemony of the 19th and early 20th centuries is now a thing of the past.
然而，很多英國民眾似乎不愿承認英國19世紀和20世紀初建立的霸權現在已經成為歷史。
Last year's European Union membership referendum provided ample evidence of this, with the so-called Brexit vote won, at least in part, because of a certain xenophobic nostalgia for the "good old days".
去年，關于歐盟成員國身份的公投為此提供了充足的證據，所謂的退歐公投取得勝利，至少有一部分是因為一些排外的英國民眾還懷念“過去的美好時光”。
Despite the country's extended period of decline in power and influence over the past century, many Britons still refuse to accept this new reality. Fervent nationalism, embodied in such anachronistic "anthems" as Rule Britannia and expounded by certain elements of England's right-wing press, is rife - especially among the older generation.
盡管與上世紀相比，英國在權力和影響力上長期處于衰落狀態，很多英國人仍不愿接受這一新的現實。過時的歌曲《不列顛萬歲》以及英國右翼報紙中宣揚的狂熱的民族主義越來越盛行，尤其是在老一輩英國人中。
In the four years since I left, my homeland once synonymous with statecraft and stability now looks to be foundering.
四年前當我離開英國時，英國還是一個治國有方、團結穩定的國家，而現在似乎已處于崩潰邊緣。
In addition to referendums, the British public has twice in as many years been asked to decide on who should run the country. Such a rash of polls hardly smacks of solidity, nor does it serve to inspire confidence in Western-style democracy.
除了脫歐公投，在過去的幾年里英國公眾兩次被要求選出國家治理者。如此草率的投票即不利于英國穩定，又令英國民眾對西方民主失去信心。
Contrast that with China, which over the same period has taken on an ever greater role in world affairs with the Belt and Road Initiative and its commitment to combating climate change in the face of the United States' withdrawal.
相比之下，同一時間中國在世界事務中已經發揮越來越大的作用，發起了“一帶一路”倡議，且在美國退出《巴黎協定》時做出承諾，全力應對氣候變化。
The supposed leaders of the UK, meanwhile, keep calling election after election, vote after vote, each only really serving to make the country weaker.
與此同時，所謂的英國領導人們卻號召民眾一次又一次地參加選舉、投票，每次都使英國變得更脆弱。
Both the Brexit referendum and the latest election which wasn't due for another three years were called needlessly by Britain’s current party of government either in the hopes of healing internal rifts or tightening its grip on power. Neither plan worked. Instead, through such miscalculations and hubris, the future of the UK now looks to be in real doubt.
脫歐公投和提前三年舉行大選是執政黨的多此一舉。他們希望彌合國內裂痕或加強權力掌控，但是沒有實現預期效果。相反經歷了判斷失誤和驕傲自大，現在看來英國的未來充滿不確定性。
In just two short years, Britain will exit the European Union. That's not a long time to negotiate all the various border, tariff, trade, citizenship, immigration and other issues that need to be sorted out.
在短短的兩年里，英國將退出歐盟。多方邊界問題、關稅、貿易、公民身份、移民問題都要通過談判解決，還要解決其它有爭議的問題，兩年的時間實在太短了。
If the country's newly enfeebled government fails to reach a deal in time, then it will go over what's been described as the "cliff edge" cut off from some of its most important allies and biggest economic partners.
如果英國新上任的衰弱的政府未能及時達成協議，屆時英國將處在“懸崖邊緣”，與一些最重要的盟友和最大的經濟伙伴切斷聯系。
Proponents of Brexit hark back to an imagined past, conjuring up a romanticized view of an imperial Britain that traded with the world. But this is a fallacy.
支持英國脫歐的民眾夢想回到過去，回到那個幻想的大英帝國，與全世界都有貿易往來。但這只是一個謬論。
As Danish finance minister Kristian Jensen noted last month: “There are two kinds of European nations - small nations and countries that have not yet realized they are small nations.”
丹麥財政部長克里斯蒂安?延森上個月指出：“歐盟的成員國分為兩種：小成員國和還沒有意識到他們是小國的國家。”
And it was none other than Sir Henry Tizard, chief scientific adviser to the UK's ministry of defense, who said Britain is "not a great power, and never will be again".
英國國防部首席科學顧問亨利?蒂澤德爵士（Sir Henry Tizard）曾說過，英國“不再是強國，且永遠也不會成為強國了”。
He wrote those words in 1949. Perhaps it's time his country heed them.
他在1949年寫下這句話。也許英國是時候該聽從這句忠告了。
